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Threatened Freedom

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Thousands of weapons remain unaccounted for in the wake of Libya's revolution

Libyans consider themselves liberated, and are keen to express their newfound freedom. However, this freedom is gradually giving way to insecurity and disorder, in large part because of the widespread availability of unsecured weapons. After the fall of Colonel Qadhafi’s regime, a massive number of shoulder-launched missiles—approximately 10,000 by some estimates—in addition to thousands of light and other weapons, including chemical weapons, have disappeared from armories.

These missing weapons have caused alarm among Libya’s neighbors as well as Western countries. With an eye on the London summer Olympics this year, British officials are taking no chances. A recent British press report claimed the host nation is deploying 13,500 security forces to counter terrorism, including threats posed by missile attacks. As part of the security measures, a warship equipped with sophisticated signal jamming technologies reportedly will be moored in London’s Thames River. The same report recalls the capture by Egyptian authorities of five groups of smugglers in possession of Libyan weapons.

The Libyan government would do well to make a priority of securing armaments and stemming the circulation of weapons.The steady stream of news in the Libyan press about the spread of Libyan arms is increasing concern within Libya’s new government too. The observation that the missing arms have at least not been linked with a sustained resurgence of violence is a small comfort, and there is little reason for confidence this circumstance will endure. Recent skirmishes between rival rebel militia in Tripoli are a reminder of how fragile and tentative is the peace.

The Libyan government would do well to make a priority of securing armaments and stemming the circulation of weapons. Yet statements of intent by the Ministers of Interior or Defense, the National Council, or even the Prime Minister Abdurrahim El-Keib have not been backup with action. Not long after its formation, the interim government gave armed militias two-weeks to vacate Tripoli, but failed to act when militias did not leave. In January fighting in Tripoli between rival militias left four dead and prompted stark warnings from National Transitional Council chairman Mustafa Abdel Jalil about the dangers of prolonged insecurity.

Looking for Money

Yet even when insecurity was still relatively new, there were abundant signs of competition between rebel militias. For example, an attack on Tripoli’s Rixos hotel when it housed several prominent NTC members was blamed on forces commanded by General Khalifa Haftar, a former officer in Qadhafi’s army who had fallen out with the regime following Libya’s war with Chad in the early 1980s. A NTC member described the raid as “an attempted coup” by the military against what is said to be “a civil revolution and state after 17 February.”

A former army Major wonders: “What was this force searching for and what has been their message? It is a very dangerous action that may encourage others to act similarly.” Repeating rumors that the hotel stored millions of dollars, the Major, who didn’t want to be identified, thought that Haftar sought funds to build up his force into a loyal national army: “They wanted to appropriate the budget of an army, so what would be the job of the Minister of Defense. Imagine that Zintan’s brigade acts similarly and comes to the hotel with its heavy weapons! What if Belhadj and his militia think of doing the same, or if other strong tribes move to Tripoli?! What do these people want from the capital? Why don’t they give up their weapons or take them to their regions?”

The Major points out, “If Libya has been freed from the hegemony of Qadhafi’s sons, other sons seem on their way to dominate, such as Belqasim Haftar, the son of the Chief of Staff,” in reference to statements by General Haftar’s son in which he accused a competing revolutionary group of planning an attack against his father’s procession.

Another incident underlined the growing concern. According to informed sources in the Higher Security Committee in Tripoli,  armed men affiliated to General Haftar, including his grandson Saddam, stormed into Aman Bank in Tripoli’s Gurji neighborhood, clashing with the bank’s security guards. One Tripoli media source drew the connection with the Rixos incident, noting that “ both incidents were financially-oriented; they were after money.”

In the latter incident, a banker said, “I miraculously survived the clashes between the bank guards and the armed group who wanted to storm into it. I fled my office.” He added that the attack was unacceptable and would lead the country towards chaos.

Solutions by the revolutionaries

One of revolutionaries in Tripoli told The Majalla, “Today, everybody is blaming the revolutionaries, and asks them to surrender their weapons. But what if there were no revolutionaries around the bank, they (the attacking group) would have stolen all the money.” He added that, “the revolutionaries did not invade any bank, and were never after money. Instead, they are protecting people’s money and providing security.”

Clarifying that the revolutionaries are performing a national mission, The Majalla asked him whether the government needs arms to disappear so people can feel safe? He replied, “We understand this, and seek to achieve it. But who will implement it? The country is not in a good state now, and it will take some time. When a national army is formed, and police forces are back at work, we will surrender our weapons. We want an organized and secured state, and will achieve it.”

Asked whether revolutionaries have political ambitions, or want rewards for their actions, he answered, “They shouldn’t leave us in such a way. There are many solutions. The revolutionaries don’t have political ambitions. The fighters who defeated the regime must receive care and acquire respectable services. This doesn’t mean governmental positions, but why don’t we send these young men on scholarships abroad, for example? Integrate them into the army? Provide job opportunities? Then they will not feel that their efforts have been to no avail.”

The former rebels argue that stemming the circulation of arms and improving security will not be achieved by convincing militias to give up their weapons. A better solution is to provide an immediate and swift alternative that addresses their conditions, so that when they are convinced to surrender their weapons, jobs and similar forms of security should be available.

The NTC and the interim government must address this issue without delay. They can begin by creating education and training opportunities for fighters, both at home and abroad, by establishing a single military force under a unified command, by creating jobs, by encouraging entrepreneurship and facilitating support. The government has to address these issues immediately if it wants to stem the circulation of weapons, improve security, and resolve one of the most significant impediments to Libya’s successful transition.


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